Reviews by Joe Petrulionis Back to Joe’s “About Me”
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5. American Popular History C. After 1860
General Bruce Palmer, Jr. Intervention in the Caribbean: The Dominican Crisis of 1965. The University Press of Kentucky, 1989. 226 pp.
$29.95 Cloth.
I know this Story
By Joe Petrulionis
General Bruce Palmer commanded the U.S. military
intervention into the Dominican Republic’s political crisis of 1965. A
generation later, after serving in both the American Enterprise Institute and
the Central Intelligence Agency, he wrote this book from his retirement. In its
preface, the author explains his intent in a credible and certain style that
has become a recognizable trait of senior-most Army officers. He wants to tell
the story of the events and to express the noble hope that the role of the U.S.
Army, “which virtually all writers ignore,” will no longer be overlooked. In
addition, he intends to describe the complex relationships between the military
and the various political organizations involved--organizations such as the
U.S. Department of State and the Organization of American States.
But submerged between these objectives, an alert reader
will observe other layers of unstated purpose. First, as the ranking U.S.
commander of the Dominican intervention, General Palmer would, understandably,
like to polish posterity’s recollection of the mission and to put a spit shine
on his own reputation as well. In his version of the episode, the intervention
was a major success. As he explains, “It had accomplished its mission. It had
stopped the Dominican civil war, provided a measure of security and tranquility
to the country, brought the republic safely through honest, free, and fair
presidential elections a little more than a year after the intervention, and
assured the safe transition to a legally constituted government (136-137). The
General is proud of his helmsmanship and even his one
mistake turned out well (105).
In addition to Palmer’s concerns with correcting
historical inaccuracy, there are ample examples of the author using his
chronicle as a forum to snipe at the professional competence of fellow
officers. But usually these critiques are covert. Inconceivably, as the
transport planes were being loaded for takeoff from North Carolina in the
spring of 1965, two general officers, one from the Army and one from the Air
Force, were personally supervising the “airlift coordination.” Palmer blames a
two-hour delay (in the two week long transport of 23,000 soldiers and their
equipment) on “refueling difficulties and a cranky outboard turboprop engine”
(10). His implication is that this short delay was the fault of the other two
generals by virtue of their presence, blithely ignoring the third general
officer on the scene, Palmer, who commanded the mission.
Finally, General Palmer hints loudly that he supports the
already too familiar call for greater military independence from meddling
politicians. In 1989, an already oft-cited excuse for U.S. failures in Vietnam
was micro-management by politicians. And we must remember that after the
Dominican “affair,” General Palmer served as Deputy Commander of U.S. forces in
Vietnam and Southeast Asia.
A reader should avoid viewing any event through the eyes
of just one witness. General Palmer’s book is an assemblage of the memories,
personal notes, private photos, papers, and classified communiqué of one
commander. Lower ranking soldiers are usually prohibited from collecting
classified notes and sensitive photographs, so it is unlikely that an alternate
viewpoint from, say, an enlisted sergeant, will emerge with comparable archival
credibility. Clearly, some of the book’s other biases arise from the age,
class, race, background, and gender of the author.
Palmer, a second generation West Point grad, was born the
year President Wilson began his first term. So we might understand, but should
never overlook, Palmer’s insensitive descriptions of Dominican culture. These
descriptions would be anachronistic, even in 1989 when the book was published.
This observation is not intended to excuse Palmer for the tone of his remarks,
but to make another point: these slurs reflect Palmer’s personal views that
decidedly impacted his version of events.
Note the use of the word “disproportionate,” and the inconsistent manner
of describing ethnicity:
“There are no Jim Crow laws against racial or
ethnic groups, but subtle and inexorable economic law bars disproportionate
numbers
of blacks and persons of mixed black and European blood
from staying in the better hotels, attending the best theaters, eating in the
famous
restaurants…” (15)
We can detect other forms of bias as well. In 1916, when
Palmer was three years old, the U.S. invaded the Dominican Republic and stayed
until 1924. During this earlier episode, the U.S. created a quasi-military
police force to maintain order and to sustain U.S. “economic interests,” roles
that Palmer defends (142, 153, 173-175). This police force’s U.S. selected
officer corps included Rafael Trujillo, a brutal dictator later denounced by
the Catholic Church, the OAS, and the United Nations. In 1961, Trujillo was
overthrown after a 31-year reign. The next year, free elections with official
international observers, yielded a sweeping win for the PRD, a revolutionary
party. The U.S. trained “police force” responded by organizing a successful
coup against this legally elected government. Under pressure from President
Kennedy, a pro-business junta (not a return to the elected government) was
established under a triumvirate, “headed by Donald Reid Cabral, a well known,
American-educated businessman” (18). This is the context for the U.S. and
Palmer’s later “intervention.”
The book’s organization and narrative approach may sweep
an unwary reader through much of the complex (and questionable) causality and
right past many of the possible alternative explanations for events. The pace
rarely lingers over controversial decisions and alternative viewpoints. And
when the author is an acknowledged expert in practical battlefield tactics of
deception, bluff, feint, and false retrograde, his chronicle must be handled
with extra care. For example, the pace quickens when Palmer mentions anti-left
paranoia that may have led to the creation of the various puppet governments.
Invariably, the narrative slows again to complain at length and often about
bureaucratic interference with a military mission, or slanted press reports, or
squabbles over rank and authority between the various officers, branches of the
armed forces, and sovereign governments (44, 57, 61, 63, 65, etc.).
In approaching this book, a reader must maintain a
critical attitude and professional caution that should be afforded any primary
historical document. Still, General Palmer’s book will enrich the scholarship
of historians of the Cold War. The narrative provides a hindsight glimpse into
the rationalizations of a retired U.S. commander, himself trying to seem like a
moderate. His well received works were, at the time of his death, considered to
be rather critical of the U.S. handling of both the Dominican and Vietnam
blunders. So Palmer’s chronicle has value, not as a last word on the subject,
but as an example of the personality and psychology of one decision maker in
the episode. A comparative study of the recollections of other commanders from
all sides of the Dominican civil war, representatives of OAS, United Nations,
and the U.S. Department of State would be productive areas for further
exploration. An interesting focus for such a project would be a close analysis
of General Palmer’s constant insistence that the U.S. remained entirely neutral
during the intervention.
Today, four decades after the events in question, we might
expect to read about the “Dominican affair” with a comfortable detachment that
would have been impossible fifteen years ago. But this book provides little
comfort. The U.S.’s recent unilateral interventions into the affairs of other
sovereign nations (for reasons not accurately disclosed this time either) may
have soured today’s readers to the kinds of rhetoric contained in Intervention
in the Caribbean. Perhaps we have become less vulnerable to bombastic appeals
from uniformed patriots calling for the protection of far-flung economic
interests, or perhaps not.
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